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Friday 25 February 2022

SIR RONALD AYLMER FISHER F.R.S, EUGENICIST, NOW WIDELY DEBUNKED

                                                 See also BLOGPOST by Joe Cain

                                                  PREVIOUS BLOGPOST by TOM 



                                                           


                                                     Ronald Aylmer Fisher (1890-1962)


In 1911, Ronald Fisher founded the short-lived Cambridge Undergraduate Eugenics Society with

John Maynard Keynes, Horace Darwin, and Professor A,C. Seward F.R.S. In 1912, Ronald

passed his maths exams with a first class honours and served as a steward at the first ever

International Eugenics Congress, in the since largely demolished, highly colonialist Imperial

Institute, in South Kensington, that contained the Queen’s Tower at its centre.


The Eugenics Congress of July 1912 was a grand affair, with over 800 attendees, a reception in

the Duchess of Marlborough’s mansion, and delegates from all over the world, including the

cruelly ableist Charles Davenport and Harry Laughlin from the U.S. Eugenics Records Office on

Long Island, New York. The German and Italian embassies were led by Swiss-born psychiatrist


Ernst Rudin and the great economist Corrado Gini, later responsible for crimes against humanity in

Nazi Germany and the Italian colonies in North-East Africa.


The Congress was considered a success (see Clyde Chitty 2007, p38). For the presenters,

western civilization was in danger of collapse, since we were preserving the weak and ‘genetically

undesirable ‘ and allowing them to breed at an alarming rate…Indeed the pauper pedigrees presented at the Congress –proved conclusively that the poor and the feeble-minded were highly fecund and would one day inherit the earth unless wise men intervened with a program of genetic measures.’.

The first congress and those which followed it into the Nazi Era were to have highly detrimental effects on the vulnerable populations of the world throughout the twentieth century (e,g. on the harsh treatment of the ‘mentally defective’ in Britain and the US that started with the British Mental Deficiency Act of 1913), and to the current day (e.g. the sterilization of indigenous people in Canada, the incarceration of many of their children, and the well documented pseudo-scientific diagnosis and mistreatment of autistic children that is initiated by English geneticists, and coming out of Trinity College Cambridge)

                                                                             




                                                                         


                                             The Imperial Institute, South Kensington



According to Fisher’s daughter and son-in-law Joan and George Box (personal communication),

Fisher was an extremely eccentric individual who was prone to bizarrely cruel

violence against animals, had beaten an UCL ‘beefeater’ with his walking stick for going

about his duty, and who thought that it was only his opinion that mattered, and that people who

questioned his viewpoint were ‘bluddy fools’. Whatever the case, Fisher published numerous

articles in Eugenics Review while fathering eight children, and became very active in the

Eugenics Society, where he pushed his weight around on family planning before resigning in 1934

during a quarrel over the role of scientists.



KEY REFERENCE: In The Elimination of Mental Defect’ in Eugenics Review (1924), Fisher 

used some cruel words and highly subjective statistical arguments that purported to justify segregation 

or sterilization of the ‘feeble-minded’.


                                                                                  




In June 2020, the Council of Gonville and Caius College decided to take down its R.A.Fisher

window, that depicted his celebrated 7x7 Latin Square, because of his involvement in eugenics. I

believe that the Council’s action was well-justified, since I agree with Bernard Norton (1978) to the 

effect that eugenics may well have been Fisher’s life-time ‘raison d’etre’ and the

driving force behind his doubtlessly monumental achievements in Statistics and Population

Genetics.


I do not include Fisher’s curious flawed Fiducial Inference in this appraisal. As a

population geneticist Fisher worked in competition with J.B.S. Haldane and Sewall Wright. The 

last three chapters of Fisher's 1930 treatise The Genetic Theory of Natural Selection were highly 

eugenic and white supremacist in nature. The early chapters are highlighted by his imprecisely and 

heuristically presented but apparently, in retrospect, broadly correct 'Fundamental  Theorem of Natural 

Selection' that has been the subject of immense discussion ever since.



It is generally recognized that Ronald Fisher and Karl Pearson helped turn Statistics from

the relative subjectivity of the nineteenth century into an apparently objective discipline. This

enabled them to claim, e.g. for the purposes of negative eugenics, that two populations were

significantly different but where the supposed difference was not necessarily of practical

significance.


See, for example, Nathaniel Joselson ( 2016 ) who believes that it is therefore

essential to decolonialise the ‘false objectivity’ in Statistics. His article and one of Scott Forster and my 

blog posts are quoted by Ann Phoenix (2021), who joins us by heavily criticising the racist and ableist 

manner in which Karl Pearson and Sir Ronald Fisher distorted Statistics while imposing eugenics on 

the population, and endorsing settler colonialism and population eugenics on a global scale. See also 

Leonard (2014) who asserts that “most statistical investigations are inherently subjective in nature,

and statisticians should no longer attempt to achieve ‘false objectivity’.


The effect of ‘false objectivity’ on the practice and teaching of Statistics has been enormous, and Society has been left struggling ever since the early twentieth century with the thorny problems of interpreting p-values, discriminant analysis, and correlation in any sense that can be regarded as objective.


Scott Forster and I reported a variety of Galton’s, Pearson’s and Fisher’s racist, ableist, and anti-semitic

viewpoints and dubious statistics to the UCL Commission of Inquiry in July 2019, together with

details of Lionel Penrose’s potentially harmful influence on the diagnosis and treatment of the

mentally defective.’ Despite Penrose’s public stated anti-eugenic opinions I regard him as an

effectively eugenic psychiatrist/ geneticist/ Fisherian statistician. He was the third incumbent of the

UCL Chair of Eugenics, following Karl Pearson and Ronald Fisher, but also treated schizophrenic

patients in the Kennedy-Galton Centre in Harperbury Hospital in Hertfordshire.


In his text, Demography and Degeneration, Richard Soloway (1959) reports on the article by

Fisher and Stock (Eugenics Review 6 No.4. January 1915). Since women workers

were more necessary during WW1, Fisher and Stock were concerned that ‘both partners needing to

work’ was becoming more common amongst those seen as eugenically better classes.

They argued:

That the best energies of married women should be devoted to the interests of home and family

is a proposition about which there is not likely to be any difference of opinion”.

Fisher’s misogynist arguments were partly based in statistics and the theory

of eugenics. Eugenics was, during the mid-war period, to become a driving force of patriarchal

gender roles, and many employed women were ‘sent back to the kitchen sink’ after WW2.

Fisher’s class conscious and chauvinistic attitudes suggest that he was quite prepared

to use pseudo-science to achieve his socio-political objectives.

 


Fisher reported his analysis of the British 1911 census data in The Genetic Theory of Natural

Selection. He found a high correlation between inter-generational fertility rates and a strong negative 

correlation between income and number of children. From this he concluded

that “fertility rates are genetic, and that genes for low fertility are related to hard work and

intelligence”.

This remarkable leap of logic seems to incorporate Fisher's fanciful ideas about gene associations with 

interpretations of correlations that might be made spurious by the presence of confounding variables. 

Based upon these quite twisted conclusions, Fisher proposed giving family allowances to those defined 

as “fit”. With Fishers’ eugenic class prejudices this meant the wealthier.


Fisher continued to practise eugenics while he was at Rothamsted (1919-1933), University College London (1933-1943) and Cambridge (1943-56). See, for example the excellent book byPauline Mazumdar (1992). Fisher made pro-Nazi statements after WW2, and was certainly still a eugenicist in 1952 when he expressed the opinion to UNESCO that men were not created equal in biological terms. The previous year he’d sent UNESCO a letter objecting to their statement on race since it classified many of his published ideas as scientific racism.

Fisher was let off lightly by the UCL Commission of Inquiry in early 2020 when they ‘iceballed’ Francis Galton and Karl Pearson, but UCL took similar measures against Fisher laterafter protests by members of the Commission. The Commission also criticised Lionel Penrose despite his publicly expressed opinions. Rothamsted Research condemned Fisher’s activities in eugenics, and issued a statement utterly rejecting the use of pseudo-scientific arguments to support racist or discriminatory views.

      In short, as well as being debunked by his alma mater, Fisher's reputation has been turned on its head by two prestigious organisations who employed him for years. Professor A.W.F. Edwards of Gonville and Caius College Cambridge, and Fisher's erstwhile friend and co-author, has expressed his outrage at this turn of events e.g by personal communication with myself.

                        FURTHERMORE: FISHER AWARD RETIRED (SIGNIFICANCE)

                        SCATHING ARTICLE BY AUBREY CLAYTON

                        DEBORAH ASHBY'S 2020 SPEECH

                        ROYAL SOCIETY TWEET

                      PREFACE TO JOAN-FISHER BOX's BIOGRAPHY OF HER FATHER
                      RONALD FISHER
. Written in cahoots with George E.P. Box, with the help of                                           
A.W.F. Edwards, David Finney, Frank Yates and other ardent followers of Fisher. 

                                            


                                                          Sir Ronald Fisher F.R.S.


                                                                 REFERENCES


Clyde Chitty (2007) Eugenics, Race, and Intelligence in Education. London: Continuum Publishing


Nathaniel Joselson (2016, Number 2) Meditations in Inclusive Statistics Blog

https://njoselson.github to Fisher-Pearson


Tom Leonard (2014) The Life of a Bayesian Boy: An Interview with Thomas Hoskyns Leonard.

Statistics Views 16 May 2014.


Pauline Mazumdar (1992) Eugenics, Human Genetics, and Human Failings, London and New

York: Routledge


Bernard Norton (1978) A fashionable fallacy, defended. New Scientist ( 27 April 1978, p224)


Ann Alison Phoenix (2021) Becomings or Fixity? International Review of Theoretical

Psychologies. Vol 1 No 2 (pp5-20)




ON THE LGBT STRUGGLE IN WISCONSIN IN DECEMBER 1989

 

                                                                         
                                                                          














A primary-source document relating to a full meeting of the faculty of the University of Wisconsin-Madison in the
UW Field House on 4th December 1989, which received national attention.

 

‘They’re in for it now!’ as John Nohel, the Director of the Army’s Math Research Center, said, following my speech, to Professor James Koutsky of the UW Department of Chemical Engineering, and our faculty responded by, quite  unexpectedly, voting against the military, by about 350 votes to 250.  Several of their  officers were sitting in full regalia in the front row. Professor David Runyon from UW Whitewater took a film for his television channel and lodged it in the State Archives, and several people ran up to me in the street to thank me for my contribution, which was generally acknowledged as completely turning the tables on the military at the end of an otherwise insipid and quite unconvincing debate.  

         During my surprisingly devastating speech, I reported that a U.S. army captain had advised me, at an otherwise convivial Second Thursday reception, that ‘these freaks have never even opened a bible’. I also discussed a high-flying naval student in Annapolis who’d been stripped of his degree simply because he expressed his fears to his chaplain that he might be gay. I more generally objected to the intrusions perpetrated by the US military on the innermost thoughts of American students.

         Assistant Attorney General for Winconsin, Daniel O’Brien congratulated me afterwards, and he’s visited me in Edinburgh since. The leaders of Madison’s gay community, who were none too keen to raise their own heads above the parapet, congratulated themselves, and gave each other prestigious awards. So much for philanthropy.

Please also google "Gay Discrimination in the Military, University of Wisconsin-Madison"

The item "ROTC under fire" by David M. Halperin describes the enormous impact of the faculty vote. The reports by Professor Joe Elder of the UW Department of Sociology are incomplete in several respects.









  • ROTC Under Fire

    The campus movement to end anti-gay discrimmination in the US armed forces

    by David M. Halperin

    The following article is reprinted from Blueboy, published in June,
    1991. MIT Professor David M. Halperin chronicles the move by colleges
    and universities across the country to eliminate discrimination on the
    basis of sexual orientation from the military, and specifically from
    ROTC. The statements and subsequent policies of higher education
    institutions with regard to withdrawing campus support for ROTC are
    discussed below, providing an important historical perspective as MIT
    convenes its ROTC Task Force.
    	The most recent, and perhaps the most serious, challenge to
    the Department of Defense policy that bars from military service all
    those who do not conform to a standard of exclusive heterosexuality in
    their sexual practices has come from an unanticipated quarter -- the
    nation's colleges and universities. What has made this movement
    possible is the presence on some five hundred campuses of the Reserve
    Officers Training Corps, or ROTC. ROTC offers tuition scholarships,
    monetary stipends, textbook allowances, and other material benefits to
    qualified college students who agree to undergo military training
    while in school and to serve in the officer corps of the Armed
    Services upon graduation. In conformity with current US military
    policy, lesbians and gay men, as well as bisexuals (who, according to
    military definitions, do not exist as such and are simply assumed to
    be "homosexuals"), are ineligible to join ROTC or to obtain the
    various material benefits it provides non-gay undergraduates.
    	The current nationwide movement to force ROTC, and by
    extension the Department of Defense, to stop discriminating against
    sexual non-conformists or to get off campus began in 1982, when
    Wisconsin became the first state to pass a lesbian and gay civil
    rights law. Two students at the University of Wisconsin at Milwaukee,
    Eric Jernberg and Leon Rouse, decided to ask their school to adhere to
    the spirit of the new law by suspending participation in the ROTC
    program if that program continued to violate the terms of the
    statute. They eventually succeeded in getting their motion passed by
    the Faculty Senate, but at a subsequent meeting of the general
    faculty, their motion was voted down. This defeat outraged Richard
    L. Villaseor, who in the summer of 1986 was about to begin his
    sophomore year at the University of Wisconsin at Madison. After
    arduous efforts to build an effective campaign and to organize the
    faculty, Rick managed to reverse the Milwaukee scenario: his motion
    was initially defeated in the Faculty Senate, but he got three times
    the necessary votes to convene a meeting of the general faculty, and
    on December 4, 1989, several months after Rick had graduated, the
    faculty of the University of Wisconsin at Madison, by a vote of 386 to
    248, asked the Regents of the University to sever its contracts with
    ROTC by June, 1993, unless "those programs no longer discriminate on
    the grounds of sexual identity." (The Regents ultimately rejected the
    motion, but they lobbied the Wisconsin congressional delegation to
    demand that the policy be changed at the Federal level, and the
    University appointed a task force to work with other colleges and
    universities to put pressure on Washington.)
    	The Wisconsin vote touched off an explosion of activism on
    campuses around the country. Local protests and actions took place at
    colleges and universities throughout the spring of 1990. On May 4,
    1990, at 1:30 p.m. Central Standard Time, student leaders on 32
    different campuses read an identical statement, distributed by Jordan
    Marsh, University Affairs Director at the Wisconsin Student
    Association in Madison, protesting Defense Department policy on sexual
    orientation. On November 9, 1990, less than a year after the Wisconsin
    vote, the American Civil Liberties Union sponsored a national
    organizing conference at the University of Minnesota called "About
    Face: Combating ROTC's Anti-Gay Policy." By that time, more than
    eighty schools were involved in the movement. Pitzer College in
    southern California had eliminated ROTC from its campus, and Rutgers
    University had decided to suspend financial participation in the ROTC
    scholarship program. Dramatic developments had also taken place at
    many other schools, among them the Massachusetts Institute of
    Technology, which is where I teach.
    	I first became interested in the issue in May, 1989, when
    Robert Weinerman, a former MIT student on the staff of the Admissions
    Office, showed me a letter he had written to a committee investigating
    the relationship between MIT and ROTC, in which he argued that ROTC's
    overt and formalized policy of discrimination violated the spirit of
    MIT's non-discrimination clause. I quickly realized that this was one
    lesbian/gay-rights issue on which academic personnel could have a
    decisive influence at the national level: if your school has an ROTC
    program, you have a direct line to Washington. In January, 1990, after
    the Wisconsin vote -- widely reported in the lesbian and gay press --
    I started up a group called Defeat Discrimination at MIT, or
    D-DaMIT. With Robert as our strategist, we orchestrated a campus-wide
    petition campaign, modeled on the Wisconsin faculty resolution. But
    before we were far advanced, Robert L. Bettiker, a senior in Navy
    ROTC, came forward with a startling story. It seems that Robb, who had
    not realized he was gay when he joined NROTC, had come out to his
    commanding officer in November, had duly been expelled from the
    program, and had just been ordered by the Secretary of the Navy --
    over the recommendation of the local NROTC board, which had found that
    Robb had not intended to deceive the Navy about his sexual orientation
    when he joined -- to repay nearly $40,000 in NROTC scholarship
    support. On March 5, 1990, the day his story appeared in a progressive
    MIT student newspaper and the first day of our petition campaign, the
    New York Times reported that James Holobaugh, an Army ROTC cadet at
    Washington University in St. Louis and former ROTC poster-boy, had
    been order to repay $25,000 for identical reasons. The news quickly
    became a national scandal.
    	D-DaMIT had soon gathered more than two thousand
    signatures. In a student referendum that involved half the
    undergraduate student body, a majority of those who voted and who
    expressed an opinion favored removing ROTC from campus within four
    years unless it ceased discriminating on the basis of sexual
    orientation -- perhaps the first time such a referendum succeeded on a
    college campus. On April 10, 1990, the Provost of MIT, John Deutch, a
    former Undersecretary of Energy under the Carter administration and a
    Department of Defense insider for many years, wrote a letter to
    Secretary of Defense Richard Cheney, in which he criticized DOD policy
    on sexual orientation and deplored efforts to recoup scholarship funds
    from ROTC cadets disenrolled for being gay. This letter, which D-DaMIT
    made public, may represent the first time a major Defense Department
    figure had visibly dissociated himself from the policy. In the
    resulting glare of media attention, the Navy withdrew its demands for
    repayment from Bettiker and another NROTC midshipman, while the Army
    backed down in the case of Jim Holobaugh. On October 17, 1990, the MIT
    Faculty, with explicit support from the students, the administration,
    and the Chairman of the board of trustees, approved without dissent a
    resolution opposing anti-gay discrimination in ROTC. The resolution
    provided for a five-year lobbying effort to eliminate the
    discriminatory policy; toward the end of the five-year period, the
    President of MIT will appoint a task force to assess the situation,
    "with the expectation that inadequate progress toward eliminating the
    DOD policy on sexual orientation will result in making ROTC
    unavailable to students beginning with the class entering in 1998."
    	The struggle is not over. The military continues to pursue its
    discriminatory policy ruthlessly and vindictively. As of the summer of
    1990, eight cadets in the Navy alone found themselves precisely in
    Robb Bettiker's former situation. In 1987 the Navy, seeking to recoup
    $25,600 from Peter Laska, a midshipman who had been forced by
    systematic harassment to drop out of NROTC at the University of
    Pennsylvania, placed a lien on the home of his parents, who discovered
    in this manner that their son was gay. And only recently, a
    19-year-old Marine Corpswoman, suspected of being lesbian, targeted by
    a military investigation, and threatened with all sorts of punishments
    if she dId not reveal the names of her friends, unable to face her
    parents and unwilling to betray her comrades, took her own life with a
    service-issue firearm.
    	How long must we wait before colleges and universities will
    take steps to protect students, their parents, and the quality of
    campus life from such institutionalized harassment? The time to act is
    now.
    	And in 1995, after a promise to lift the ban on gays in the
    military, after a federal policy of "Don't Ask, Don't Tell, Don't
    Pursue," the struggle is still not over, and the time to act is still
    now. The suspected inadequacy of Clinton"s compromise on
    discrimination in the armed forces has been realized over the last two
    years as witch-hunts and persecutions of military personnel suspected
    of being gay, lesbian, or bisexual continue, often in blatant
    disregard of the executive order (see "How is Clinton's Plan Working?
    Don't Ask...," this page). As MIT gathers together yet another group
    of students and faculty to form its ROTC Task Force, it is imperative
    that this campus remains vigilant to the fact that discrimination on
    the basis of sexual orientation is alive and well regardless, and in
    some cases because, of the "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" order. The fact
    that the DOD policy on gays in the military is in direct conflict with
    MIT's non-discrimination policy is well-known; what remains then is
    for the MIT community to remedy this campus of ROTC.